The drive to uncover
“the truth” about the UFO phenomenon is often believed
to be an “us versus them” situation: the people versus
the evil government. But in the 1990s, it became clear that this
was not the case. Instead, it became apparent that it were “CIA
assets” that were briefing that the CIA had secrets. A rather
leading and influential advocate of the Extraterrestrial Hypothesis
and the Contact Scenario was Dr. Bruce Maccabee, a former US Navy
physicist. Maccabee became prominent in the UFO field in the mid
1970s, and was a founding member of the Fund for UFO Research
(FUFOR), whose primary purpose was to give grants to UFO researchers
to further “the cause”: the study and disclosure of
“the truth” about UFOs – and their “obvious”
alien, extra-terrestrial nature.
FUFOR has since played a major role in the dissemination of key
aspects of the Contact Scenario. For example, it gave Stanton
Friedman a grant of $16,000 to authenticate the MJ-12
documents. When these false documents were released in 1987,
Maccabee was their greatest supporter.
Bill Clinton and Al Gore (left)
by his position and his reputation, Maccabee was an influential
figure in UFO research, and his support for several sensational
- but controversial - cases has led to their general acceptance
by other researchers who, in turn, have promoted them to the public.
As such, the UFO myth became firmly embedded within society.
Furthermore, his rise to prominence was due to his claim that
he had evidence that the CIA were withholding thousands of files
relating to UFOs – a claim that has greatly encouraged the
belief in a cover-up and, by extension, that there is something
to be covered up.
But while supporting many of the more sensational UFO cases, Maccabee
has also used his influence to down-play evidence that supports
a more conventional explanation of the UFO phenomenon. For example,
when the declassified CIA documents relating to the use of UFOs
as a cover for spy plane sightings were released in 1997, he argued
vociferously – and successfully – that these were
of no significance.
Most importantly, Maccabee worked closely with William Moore,
for example on investigating an alleged UFO landing near Kirtland
AFB in 1980 – using information supplied by Sergeant Richard
Doty – the government’s UFO disinformation agent par
excellence. Moore later admitted he had spread disinformation
on behalf of the government, promoting the UFO myth.
might just be gullible – not uncommon amongst UFO researchers
– but in 1993, fellow UFO researchers discovered that Maccabee
maintained close links with the CIA. When challenged, he admitted
that, since 1979 (i.e. for 14 years), he had indeed regularly
briefed the CIA at their Langley, Virginia headquarters on developments
in the UFO field, but denied that his involvement went any deeper
than that. Many in the UFO community once again accepted his word
for it – the alternative was probably too hard to ponder.
But if it was all innocent, why had Maccabee failed to explain
why he kept these briefings secret for 14 years?
is ironic that a leading member of an organisation that is pledged
to challenge official secrecy about UFOs – and one of the
main proponents of the idea that the CIA are withholding thousands
of documents on the subject – should have such a long-standing,
secret relationship with that very agency. In the end, Maccabee’s
reassurances failed to convince some, including his close friend
and fellow FUFOR board member, Richard Hall.
drive that the government – and specifically the CIA –
is involved in an “alien cover-up” was paramount throughout
the 1990s, popularised by the existence of “The
X Files”, which in the eyes of the UFO community seemed
to “validate” them. John Podesta, working in Clinton’s
government, was apparently such a fan of the series that after
an episode of the series, he came to work wondering what aspects
of the show were based on fact and which government agent that
reported into the White House was lying to the President.
Maccabbee (left) and Stanton Friedman
role of the CIA within the UFO enigma is bizarre at best. It has
often dangled carrots in front of people, and the agency is not
alone. In 1989, former NASA scientist Robert Oeschler claimed
that he had been invited by top USAF officials to participate
in an exercise to finally reveal the existence of extraterrestrials
to the public. He was shown photographs, including one of a “typical
grey alien”, and was taken to a “top-secret tracking
station” off the Florida Coast where he was allowed to see
what was described as UFOs being monitored during their flights
over US and surrounding airspace. Oeschler publicised this information,
although the promised official revelations did not materialise.
Raising hopes of imminent revelations, yet nothing materialising
is probably the best gimmick in these exercises, whereby each
non-revelation is seen as further proof that there is a cover-up
in place and that the forces of evil have once again stopped full
And what to make of Oeschler’s taped conversations with
Admiral Robert Inman, former head of the NSA and deputy director
of the CIA, in which Inman admitted that the US government had
recovered crashed UFOs? Inman warned Oeschler that the conversations
were secret because of national security considerations, and that
the tapes could not be used without official approval. Yet Oeschler
was allowed to broadcast them – supposedly revealing the
greatest military secret in existence – on television with
It seems that Oeschler was honestly reporting what he had seen
and been told – yet all his information came from military
and intelligence sources. Is it likely that the likes of Inman
would have been truthful in such allegations? And if so, why were
they allowed to get away with it? It may also be significant that
Oeschler’s greatest supporter and advocate was Bruce Maccabee.
Maccabee’s most controversial endorsement was of the Gulf
Breeze sightings and their primary witness, Ed Walters. In the
late 1980s, Walters claimed to have taken photographs of UFOs
over the Florida coast. Maccabee proclaimed the photographs genuine,
an opinion that was hotly disputed by professional photo analysts.
Even when an accomplice of Walters confessed to having faked them,
Maccabee refused to admit that the photographs were fabricated.
Maccabee and the supporters of the Gulf Breeze sightings argued
that shortly after Walter’s initial claims, other people
began to report seeing anomalous lights in the sky over the Gulf
Breeze area – suggesting the Gulf Breeze sightings were
genuine, irrelevant of faked photographs. But curiously, the phenomena
only manifested at certain, regular times, specifically when civilians
had gathered to see them. Significantly, Gulf Breeze is surrounded
by military installations, one of which is specifically charged
with psychological warfare experiments.
1994, a group of very senior power brokers in the USA tried to
promote the Contact Scenario to leading politicians – including
the President Clinton himself. Though some presidents before him,
like Jimmy Carter, had been interested in UFOs after apparently
seeing one from an airplane, Clinton was apparently a fan of science-fiction
and genuinely interested in UFOs.
Laurance Rockefeller (left),
going for a walk with Dick Cheney
group of influential and rich people that tried to put UFOs on
the political agenda was presided over by their most senior figure:
Laurence Rockefeller, whose wealth and influence gave him access
to the top level of American – and international –
society. As the grandson of John D. Rockefeller, the founder of
the dynasty, and brother of John D. III, Nelson, Winthrop, and
David Rockefeller, he was at the centre of American politics.
It was therefore no problem for Rockefeller to brief President
Clinton on UFOs while the president was staying at Rockefeller’s
Wyoming Ranch in August 1995.
The Rockefeller group’s aim was to convince world leaders
of the reality of the Contact Scenario, and to persuade them to
make a public announcement to this effect. As the evidence suggests,
it came very close to such an announcement.
part of the UFO temptation of the President, an informal discussion
was held in September 1993 at Rockefeller’s ranch in Wyoming.
Those attending included: Richard Farley, Bob Teets, Henry Diamond,
Dr. Scott Jones, Dr. John Mack, Dr. Bruce Maccabee, Dr. Leo Sprinkle,
Linda Moulton Howe, Dr. Steven Greer, Marie Galbraith, and Keith
Thompson. Each of these participants were leading UFO researchers
or promising new lights.
Dr. Jill Tartar, then director of SETI, was also invited to the
meeting, but declined, stating some of the attendees were “not
scientific”. A similar response was received from Carl Sagan,
citing a scheduling conflict. He later argued that anything he
had to say on the subject had been said in his recent book, “The
key though relatively unknown attendant was Scott Jones, then
President of an organisation called the “Human Potential
Foundation”, to which Rockefeller donated no less than $700,000
for research into the social effects of the public revelation
of alien contact, and into the most effective methods for lobbying
Congress. The Foundation was established by Jones’s employer,
veteran Senator Claiborne Pell, one-time head of Congress’s
Foreign Relations Committee, and a great influence on Vice President
Al Gore, who was equally said to be interested in UFOs and “strange
1993, Rockefeller and Jones met with Jack Gibbons, Clinton’s
chief science advisor, using a briefing paper “Matrix of
UFO Beliefs” as the backbone of their presentation.
That document had been written by investigative journalist Richard
Farley. When asked about its general line of reasoning, Farley
stated that “the paper reflects my assumption that, for
at least some publicly perceived ‘UFOs’, various of
our government’s branches would be expected to know very
well what may have been witnessed.” In short, Farley suggested
that UFOs were often a label stuck by government branches on top
secret flights, experiments, etc. Farley did not seem to argue
for the extra-terrestrial nature of the phenomenon.
This, of course, was not conform to Contact Scenario that most
of the Rockefeller group subscribed to, so it was no surprise
to see that in 1994, Farley resigned, stating “I ultimately
disagreed on the timing and dynamics of ‘what to push and
when.’” Farley underlined that he had a serious concern
that UFOs were being used as “camouflage for exotic aerospace
and directed energy technologies.” Though Farley had left,
Jones too warned about UFOs being used to cloak other highly classified
projects. And though he left, it seems that Farley then tried
to brief the Clinton administration of his individual beliefs
The same happened to Jacques Vallee, considered to be a leading
and most esteemed UFO researcher. Vallee had been offered a position
helping with the Disclosure Initiative, but he declined, only
to write directly to Gibbons to present his own UFO views, which
differed from those ideas Rockefeller was presenting. Vallee offered
to meet with Gibbons either in San Francisco or Washington or
at Gibbons convenience. Despite Vallee’s high profile in
the UFO community, Gibbons turned Vallee down cold. It is remarkable
that Gibbons was interested in talking to Rockefeller about the
Contact Scenario but not with Vallee, who is not a proponent of
“crashed saucers” stories – and it seems Gibbons
was not interested in hearing such “other possibilities”.
an initial meeting, a second briefing paper, aimed towards the
Central Intelligence Agency, was prepared by none other than Bruce
Maccabee. And with the CIA, we come to the crux of Rockefeller’s
– and the Clinton’s – interest: Roswell. The
first and most important test case where declassification had
to apply, according to Rockefeller, was the Roswell UFO incident.
By 1994, a whole series of books had been written on the infamous
story, starting in the late 1970s, when the story had been resurrected
from oblivion by William Moore, apparently at a time when he was
not yet a willing disinformation agent.
Rockefeller repeatedly argued along the lines that “There
is a belief in many quarters that the government has long held
classified information regarding UFOs which has not been released
and that the failure to do so has brought about unnecessary suspicion
and distrust. Many believe that the release of such information,
if it exists, on a basis consistent with national security considerations,
would be a significant gesture which would increase confidence
in government.” That was indeed a noble sentiment and throughout
the entire initiative, there is no evidence to suggest that Rockefeller
was insincere; he seems to have been convinced the government
was covering up ET and he tried to uncover the truth.
and Greer’s pressure was able to convince Director of Central
Intelligence Woolsey to request full disclosure on the Roswell
crash. The outcome was a review of the UFO material, in which
the emphasis shifted from the CIA to the Air Force. The conclusion
of the report was that the Air Force had lied about more than
half of its public statements regarding UFOs from the 1950s onwards.
Why? To cover for covert CIA operations.
The report argued that more than half of the UFO sightings during
the 1950s and 1960s were actually not UFOs, but misidentified
secret spy planes such as the U-2 and SR-71. The damaging part
to the Air Force was the report’s author, Richard Haines’
allegation that the Air Force Project Blue Book, set up to investigate
UFO reports, actually consulted with the CIA U-2 staff personnel
in Washington, and helped to co-ordinate dismissive explanations
for the public to cover for the CIA aerial spy operations. In
short, the report concluded that the public had been lied to,
for decades, by both the Air Force and the CIA, and that UFOs
were nothing but a smokescreen. The Contact Scenario had been
a public illusion, painted on top of the official lies that masked
something else – something more mundane.
largely felt – and so did most of the UFO community with
him – that despite claims that this was the truth, these
series of reports were more disinformation. The reports were seen
as evidence of how powerful the true powerbrokers of the alien
cover-up really were.
Rockefeller continued and prepared a special briefing paper for
select politicians, heads of state, and CEOs. In this, he engaged
the help of Marie “Bootsie” Galbraith, wife of investment
banker Evan Galbraith and one-time US ambassador to France. Galbraith
wanted to compile a report containing the most reliable evidence
for the paranormal nature of UFOs. Though the final 169-page document
was less than impressive in scope and was largely a survey of
a “best of the year 19XX UFO sightings and incidents”,
the effort was remarkable as she managed to unite under the temporary
banner of the UFO Research Coalition: CUFOS (Center for UFO Studies),
FUFOR (Fund for UFO Research) and MUFON (Mutual UFO Network),
the three leading UFO organisations which were seldom willing
Among the cases selected for inclusion in this report were the
Belgian wave and the Rendlesham Forest Incident – two cases
in which there is a suspicious degree of military and intelligence
involvement – and two cases which could have been part of
a psychological warfare exercise.
the Report was finished, Rockefeller did not request many copies
for himself. The copies he did request went to General Colin Powell,
then former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and later Secretary of
State, former Secretary of State for President Nixon Henry Kissinger,
evangelist Billy Graham, and founder of the Earth Council and
Secretary General of the landmark 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de
Janeiro Maurice F. Strong. It reveals the political clout Rockefeller’s
initiative had and the extent of his desire to convince the world
of the Contact Scenario.
mentioned, Rockefeller was not the only person trying to interest
president Clinton. On December 13, 1993, Steven Greer met with
the “principal advisor to the President for Intelligence
matters related to national security,” DCI James Woolsey.
It was the first of many UFO briefings that Greer would do for
members of the Clinton administration. Though Greer later claimed
this was a three hour briefing which was well received by Woolsey,
the director of Central Intelligence later stated that the “briefing”
was actually a conversation over dinner, in which Greer was one
of the guests. Another target of Greer was Bruce Lindsay, one
of Clinton’s senior councillors in the White House and one
of his closest friends and Al Gore and his staff.
Though at first firmly in Rockefeller’s camp, it seems that
soon, Greer decided not play in the team, but make the briefings
a personal ambition. An exact reason for the split has never been
communicated, but it is believed that the disagreement between
Greer and the Rockefeller group was about Greer’s contention
that most if not all abductions were the result of US covert black
operation paramilitary units simulating “alien abductions”
through “reverse-engineered ET technologies.” This
was a spin-off of the Contact Scenario, but perhaps one step the
Rockefeller group did not want to reach out for.
Greer has since become known as one of the key collectors of “UFO
whistleblowers” and since 1993, he hoped to gain amnesty
for witnesses involved in classified UFO activities, so they could
tell their stories without fear of reprisal. Why such amnesty
was specifically required is a good question, for none of these
alleged whistleblowers have never been prosecuted, let alone arrested.
After Rockefeller’s attempts to achieve full disclosure
ceased (and the Clinton administration became embroiled in the
Monica Lewinsky scandal), Greer became the only person collating
stories of often anonymous “whistleblowers” claiming
the Contact Scenario was true.
exposure to “whistleblowers” has led him to one conclusion:
that the President and his advisors had not been honestly briefed
on the UFO subject. According to Greer, any briefing that might
have occurred, would have been an exercise in disinformation.
His “deep throat” informants had all stated that neither
the DCI nor the President were aware of what was truly going on.
And hence, Greer saw Clinton as a fellow victim.
It seems Rockefeller and Co. were able to convince the president
of their conclusion. For example, the President was convinced
of Rockefeller’s claim that the 1994 official Roswell report
was a smokescreen and that he was being kept out of the loop on
matters related to UFOs. His lack of faith was most evident during
a November 1995 speech in Belfast, Northern Ireland, when he read
a letter from a thirteen-year-old Belfast boy named Ryan dealing
with Roswell. “I got a letter from 13-year-old Ryan from
Belfast. Now, Ryan, if you’re out in the crowd tonight,
here’s the answer to your question. No, as far as I know,
an alien spacecraft did not crash in Roswell, New Mexico, in 1947.
(Laughter.) And, Ryan, if the United States Air Force did recover
alien bodies, they didn’t tell me about it, either, and
I want to know.” (Applause.) Though this response may seem
ad hoc and personal, we should note that all speeches by the president
are carefully prepared – however much they may appear to
clearly had the White House talking about UFOs. The biggest players,
Clinton, Gore and Woolsey, were convinced that sections of the
government were withholding key information from them. Roswell
seems to have acted as a catalyst throughout most of these discussions
As mentioned, Rockefeller’s role was of a genuinely interested
party. But evidence suggests he too was being played, and that
the trail led – via Maccabee and others – back to
the CIA. In short, the puppet masters were unknown operatives
within the Intelligence Community, trying to convince the president
they had items in their possession that the president did not
know about. The obvious question would be: why play such games?
Even if such information was in their possession, why not simply
reveal this material – if that is truly what they wanted
veil of confusion is slightly lifted with the help of Richard
Farley. After a face-to-face meeting between Scott Jones and presidential
science advisor Gibbons, Farley discovered a transcript of a phone
interview between Scott Jones and Dr. Ronald Pandolfi at the CIA,
“discussing Pandolfi’s (and the CIA’s) role
in supporting Gibbons’ response to the Rockefeller ‘UFO’
Initiative". Farley wrote in his April 28, 1995 letter to
Gibbons that Scott Jones’ former executive assistant told
him “Jones routinely ‘bugged’ Pandolfi’s
calls.” Farley further stated that the attached transcript
was given to him by Jones “for purposes which were not clear
to me then, nor presently; I sent it to the FBI and CIA months
to the transcript of the April 15 telephone call, Pandolfi confirmed
he had been contacted by the White House. He told Jones: “We
[the CIA] had been tasked a couple of days before the proposed
visit of Laurance Rockefeller with the White House Science Advisor,
to provide a briefing update to him – and we didn’t
do that. Instead we tasked our friend Dr. Maccabee to do it. He
did an excellent job… Gibbons said that he had gotten a
one page input from Rockefeller indicating what the subject was
going to be, and he didn’t have any background on it, claimed
that he had never heard of MJ-12, or things like that, and so
he contacted our representative over there and asked whether we
could provide some support.”
“Instead we tasked our friend Dr. Maccabee to do it.”
had been hanging around the CIA for a very long time. In fact,
Ron Pandolfi’s predecessor at the CIA, Christopher C. “Kit”
Green, had spoken to Bruce Maccabee in 1979. Kit had apparently
stated that the CIA files might contain as many as 15,000 UFO-related
files, of which two or three thousand were really interesting.
Back in the 1980s, UFO researcher Bill Moore had also described
Kit Green as “a person close to the President of the United
States, capable of checking on information to determine its reliability.”
It is remarkable that of all UFO researchers, Maccabee and Moore
seemed to be prominent visitors of the CIA “Weird Desk”,
as the likes of Green and Pandolfi were known.
In this scenario, few possible explanations make sense. Either
the Weird Desk has such documents in their possession, but then
the question is why full disclosure did not come about –
noting that various channels and opportunities existed in the
past decades to get the “truth” about the Contact
Scenario out. The other scenario is that someone has been playing
games – psychological warfare.
and other "UFO incidents", did not evolve around whether
or not UFOs were alien spacecraft, or, whether or not, ET crashed
in Roswell and the Air Force put his tiny, grey body on ice. The
UFO psychological warfare was a display by a small group of people,
who pretended to have a big secret; a big secret they pretended
to have the power to shield from the public as a whole, and the
President and his entourage in specific. It was a mechanism whereby
even the President was led to believe there were men somewhere
in his government whom he had to fear tremendously. The latter
was true - but not because they were in possession of alien beings.
In truth, it was - and is - nothing more than an exercise in power,
in which a myth was created, then promoted, then apparently covered-up,
even though each cover-up was a confirmation of the existence
of the myth, so that we would believe. In truth, it was an empty